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Gibran Rakabuming Raka unexpectedly rose as a dark horse in the first vice presidential candidate debate on economic issues. In the second debate, though, he was widely criticized for throwing technical terminologies to confuse his opponents (‘greenflation’) and using ad-hominem remarks (‘professor’).
Gibran surely drew a lot of attention and rose as a controversial figure in Indonesia’s political circus, and his presence (or his father’s) may have been a significant factor in helping former strongman Prabowo Subianto win the election.
But when he was announced as the vice president candidate for Prabowo in October, their supporters were probably the only ones who celebrated the news. It was a decision frowned upon by their political opponents for an apparent reason and disgusted the public by the way the outgoing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s son managed to climb the ladder to secure a nomination by law reserved only for people aged above 40.
Gibran – who was 36 years old when he was named as a VP candidate – entered the contest just days after a controversial Judicial Constitution ruling allowed him to bypass the Constitution. The verdict – quite obviously made to pave the way for Gibran’s vice presidency – was created under Jokowi’s brother-in-law, who was chairing the court before being dismissed for the controversy.
How Gibran ended up in the election arena is a strategic move supporting a lot of interests. One that is the most obvious is to sustain policy and political continuity, maintaining family ties inside the office. Another is to help rake in ballots from the millennials and Gen Z, which made nearly 60% of those eligible to vote in the 2024 election.
But how will this impact the future of Indonesia’s political landscape?
One thing to note is that ageism has been an issue people have long to address globally. Ageism can discriminate against younger or older generation, but at least in a position of leadership, being young is often equated with being incapable.
Having someone so young at such a high position sounds like a dream come true, especially in a country ranked high in power distance, such as Indonesia (scoring 78 based on Hofstede index), where the position of power is often judged by experiences numbered by age rather than merit and aspiration.
Looking through a consequentialist perspective, breaking age-related barriers in political eligibility could signal a departure from discriminatory practices that have long marginalized younger voices. This shift may empower the youth to actively engage in politics, hopefully contributing fresh perspectives and innovative ideas.
True, there have been young politicians holding high positions both in government and political parties in the past decade. Emil Dardak (vice governor of East Java) and Dyah Roro (a house of representative member from Golkar Party) are among the few.
Keep in mind, however, that many of them are relatives of senior, prominent figures – another emphasis that political power is concentrated in the hands of the privileged elite, one many thought was finally broken by Gibran’s father, who was deemed as “no one” when he came into office.
What makes Gibran different is, well, the exposure that he gets from securing a candidacy to be on top of the political chain. This makes his thoughts and promises echo louder.
Gibran does not miss the chance to play his age card. On one occasion, he was quoted telling a bunch of santri in Lampung that “he has nothing to fear” and “youth should be courageous to come forth”.
In the first vice presidential debate, Gibran presented his visions for digital downstreaming and developing the golden generation with various digital expertise. In his closing remark, he addressed how pleasant it was that “young people could exchange ideas with the general chairman of a party and a professor”, referring to other vice president hopefuls, Muhaimin Iskandar and Mahfud MD, his opponents in the debate.
He closed his statement by saying that to achieve Golden Indonesia 2045, young people should join hands and support each other.
If, and only if, Gibran stays true to his proclaimed aspiration to represent the younger generation, his rise may pave the way for a more nuanced representation of generational interests in politics. Younger candidates could now emerge, backed by the belief that age should not be a barrier to political participation (elitism will remain an obstacle, though).
But it is not easy to see Gibran in a positive light. To remind us here, again, Gibran securing his candidacy cast a dark shadow on the entire process. The Judicial Court ruling limiting that candidates below 40 should have experience as regional leaders was seemingly tailored to favor Gibran, who is currently the mayor of Surakarta. The influence of familial ties and the circumvention of established rules raise concerns about nepotism and political dynasties, issues that have long plagued Indonesian politics.
Gibran’s nomination also raises questions about the integrity of the social contract – when individuals cede some freedoms to the state in exchange for protection and order. Did he attain his candidacy through fair and just means, or did it involve bending the rules to favor those with political connections?
The debate over whether the ends justify the means or vice versa reflects the dual nature of this political moment. As younger voices benefit from the age-related ruling, it is imperative that they use their newfound power to dismantle the structures that allowed Gibran’s nomination to transpire.
The younger generation can leverage intersectionality to collaboratively address not only age-based discrimination but also the underlying issues of nepotism and political dynasties. By forging alliances across diverse social groups, they can create a unified front against systemic challenges.
The journey ahead is both an opportunity and a responsibility — a chance to redefine Indonesian politics while ensuring that integrity and ethical governance remain at the forefront.
